What, then,
is the solution? First, Schengen needs to go. The Euro-fanatics have
done enough damage in their pursuit of political integration.
The
restoration of sovereign borders would mean the authorities of each
country no longer had an incentive to wave migrants through, knowing
they would become someone else’s responsibility.
Second,
we need to follow Australia’s example. Faced with a surge of seaborne
migration, it towed ships to an island and processed claims offshore.
Since then, there has not been a single death through drowning and far fewer people attempt the journey.
To
emulate Australia, though, we would have to stop interpreting the 1951
Refugee Convention in a way that obliges us to allow every asylum-seeker
to remain in the EU while their claim is assessed.
That
charter was designed in a very different age. Its authors were
understandably haunted by the memory of the Jewish refugees from Nazi
Germany in the 1930s who had been turned away from safe countries.
They
could not have dreamed of an era of cheap travel, when perhaps two
billion people could theoretically claim to be victims of oppression.
To do what
the Australians have done, the EU would have to abandon a great many
accords, starting with its Charter of Fundamental Rights.
That,
though, is unlikely to happen. So if Britain wants to control its
borders, it will have to do so unilaterally, by leaving the EU.
Ministers are tying themselves in knots trying to avoid this conclusion.
But
all the schemes they propose – tightening benefits, requiring evidence
of a job – fail to address the huge, clunking fact that, as long as we
are in the EU, we cannot control who settles here or in what numbers.
Eventually,
our hand may be forced. With no let-up in the numbers reaching Italy
across the Mediterranean, there will come a point when the Rome
government, tired of carrying the burden for other EU states, gives
identity documents to all those migrants who want to move on and settle
in Germany or Britain or Sweden.
The only question is whether this moment comes before or after Britain’s referendum.
If it comes before, no force on Earth will persuade people to remain in.
If it comes after we’ve voted to stay, it will be too late to change our minds."
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